The English Language and English as a Foreign Language (EFL)

The English language is a global language (Jenkins, 2015) being spoken by some 1.75 billion people worldwide (British Council, 2013). The dispersal of English as a language occurred through historical developments, which are complex but can predominantly be related to migration and settlement of native English speakers and to colonialism (Gil, 2016). A native English speaker is defined here as ‘a person who has spoken the language in question from earliest childhood’ (Oxford English Dictionary, 2019, n.p.). 

The growth of the British Empire was a key driver in spreading the English language around the globe (AlHarbi, 2018). Some scholars believe that the teaching of English is a form of linguistic imperialism (Karmani, 2005) and thus should be discouraged if traditional cultures are to be preserved. An alternative view is that English is creatively reshaped by other nations (Kabel, 2005) and is therefore a tool which can be utilised by different cultures.

More modern reasons for the dominance of English as a language include the political and economic power English-speaking countries hold on the world stage, and the scientific and technological developments associated with English (Gil, 2016). Through globalisation, the dominant language grows exponentially, through the successes of international trade and communication leading to even more countries adopting the global language.

In countries where English is not the dominant language, the pressures of globalisation mean that policymakers in those countries must address language-planning as part of the educational process (Habeeb, 2013). It is generally agreed that English is the most taught foreign language in nearly all countries and that it is a top priority in Arab countries especially (Habeeb, 2013). Yet language policies must be created within a complex inter-relational environment which includes religious, social, cultural, political and economic forces. It would be too simplistic to state that the role of EFL is to teach English to non-native speakers because it is the most dominant global language.

It should be mentioned here that questions remain as to which English is being referred to when educators talk about EFL. For example, there is the view that the term EFL should only be used for countries which were never colonised by the British (Jenkins, 2015). This would imply that English is not a foreign language in India, for example. It could be argued that this approach undermines the rich history of the nation (i.e. before the British colonised India). It also raises the problematic question of how far back in history one should look to establish what is, or is not, an English-speaking country. For ease of reference here, EFL within the context of Kuwait will be presented as the Anglo-American type of English commonly associated with English and American individuals teaching English as a foreign language (TEFL).

Further questions relate to the relationship ideology has with a language. There is one argument which states that language is directly related to ideology, with every word being representative of the society in which the ideology arises. An alternative argument is that language is just a tool, is morally neutral, and does not therefore represent any specific ideology. This article will not assume either standpoint throughout, but instead will consider each opposing argument in the analysis of the more nuanced details as they arise.

Negative views of EFL

Value judgements can be made regarding the superiority of English as the default global language, and these judgements can be interpreted in various ways which can reveal a negativity associated with EFL. For example, the attitude that English is the superior language could be viewed as snobbery or could be interpreted as representing some deeper form of cultural supremacy. Jenkins (2015, p.5) refers to a quote by Prince Charles which was reported in the press in 1995 in which he extols the virtues of “proper” English over American English. The attitude to the superiority, or otherwise, of English will depend to a great extent upon a person’s own upbringing. The desire to maintain a traditional form of English is no doubt related to the desire to maintain a status quo. While this is not a negative attitude per se, there remains a certain negativity if others’ perspectives are ignored – in this case, the perspective of the American appropriation of English.

Once a decision is made that English should be taught in a country, there can be concerns about the extent to which the promotion of EFL is at the expense of maintaining cultural identities and classical language skills. As Zakharia (2010) argues, a vicious cycle ensues from people believing in the exclusivity of English, leading to the demand for higher educational standards in English, which in turn reinforces the status of the English language. In Saudi Arabia, concerns have been raised by Islamic scholars that ‘the introduction of English classes in primary schools […] could potentially westernise Saudi children’ (AlHarbi, 2018, p.19). One response to this concern is offered by Mahboob and Elyas (2014) who argue that this risk is only valid if a country’s inhabitants choose to allow such westernisation to occur. However, a study by Karmani (2010) found that almost half of Arabic university students enrolled in both English-medium and Arabic-medium programmes tended to agree that ‘prolonged exposure to English induces Arab students to be more receptive to Western cultural values and more appreciative of American and British youth culture’ (p.110). If prolonged exposure can produce significant changes in attitudes in this way, then the argument that change only happens if individuals allow it to happen is somewhat undermined.

Research by Al-Rubaie (2010) looked at the extent to which English language planning impeded upon traditional linguistic culture in Iceland. Al-Rubaie found that there is the need for governments to address diversity, equity and the right to linguistic traditions when they form their policies regarding language acquisition, and her research highlights how a country’s policymakers need to create a balance between maintaining traditional languages and investing in educational EFL programmes. When the former dominates the latter there is a risk that a country might become isolated from the global market.

In Iceland, Icelandic is perceived as a pure proto-Scandinavian language (Albury, 2016). As a result, Icelandic is valued as a historical and cultural language, with the simultaneous acknowledgement that there is a need to also use English when participating on the global stage. The example of Iceland shows that when the attitude to English as a global language is one of a pervasive yet dominant force, policymakers can still create conditions which are conducive to a country preserving its mother-tongue (Hilmarsson-Dunn, 2006) while still being a player in global markets. Later in this essay it will be demonstrated that there appears to be a similar attitude in Kuwait, with evidence of an openness to English being taught as EFL for the educational benefits it brings, together with a continuing commitment to the preservation of the Arabic language.

The teaching of EFL has become big business around the world with English having become a highly lucrative international commodity (Weber, 2011). Despite this, shortcomings in pedagogical processes have been highlighted. For example, McKay (2002) suggests that there should be three cultures considered when teaching EFL – the source, the target, and the international culture. Even if the textbooks do not always address these three cultures, the skilful EFL teacher should consider these facets, as rEFLecting upon these key aspects can help students develop deeper learning beyond learning mere translation of words. Thus, students can understand more about nuanced meanings and the way in which English can be manipulated depending upon context. As Kabel (2005) states, when talking of English as a resource which can be used to resist any attempt at domination: ‘you can model it the way you want’ (p.138).

Chao (2011) points out that some EFL textbooks are designed to promote different dimensions of culture. Looking specifically at an American publication (New American Inside Out), Chao reveals that there are target areas contained within the content. These target areas include the promotion of popular products, famous (typically Anglo-American) figures, and perspectives of Western societies. Whether these types of publication are deliberately or inadvertently Western-centric is beyond the scope of this analysis. What is important is that teachers can recognise when these potential biases occur and can develop their pedagogical practices so that students can also become aware of these issues.

Lastly, there is the argument that English is continually portrayed as ‘the language of progress, modernity, democracy and national unity’ (Phillipson and Skutnabb-Kangas, 2013, p.501) and that this is a negative view since it implies that other languages fall short in some way. Promotion of English as the language of progress ignores, for example, the rich history of the Arabic language in fields such as mathematics. With the successful dispersal of English comes the simultaneous ‘westernisation of knowledge’ as is evidenced by the direction of linguistic borrowings occurring from English to Arabic rather than vice versa (Al-Rubaie, 2010, p.191).

Positive views of EFL

One positive view of English is that it is a ‘pluralistic’ language (Gil, 2016, p.51). According to this view, the English language should no longer be thought of as the sole property of native speakers. Rather, English can be used by other cultures as a way of expressing that culture and making it more accessible to other cultures. In other words, the English language can be appropriated to be at the service of its users regardless of their nationality (Weber, 2011). Examples include the way in which English is used in film and music by Asian cultures, and the plethora of English varieties to be found within countries commonly thought of as typically English-speaking, such as the UK. 

Furthermore, because English is used as a mode of expression, meaning can become infused with local culture (Gil, 2016), such that the language is a convenient carrier of cultural meaning, rather than being thought of as something external which imposes meaning upon a culture.

Elyas and Grigri (2014) argue that the learning of English can promote globalisation, the benefits of which include the sharing of technological innovations and social exchanges between different nations and between individuals within different nations. An example of this can be seen in Kuwait’s history, with English being used to train the local workforce in Kuwait following the discovery of oil reserves in the 1930s (Karmani, 2010). However, as Karmani points out, this sharing can also be interpreted as the struggle for control such that English is one of the means by which a foreign power can gain economic benefit from another country’s reserves (Karmani, 2005, pp.9-10).

It is also argued that English ‘makes a significant contribution to sustainable global development’ as it ‘eases trade between countries that do not share a common language’ (British Council, 2013, p.2). It is certainly true that international conversations regarding sustainability – such as debates about climate change – are often conducted in English, and that English facilitates understanding between those countries whose languages are not shared globally.

An even more functionalist view of EFL as it relates to the individual argues that the ability to communicate in English allows greater access to employment and to international business opportunities. The British Council cites examples of the English language affording access: ‘a young woman in Pakistan [can] communicate with a professor in the US’; ‘a farmer in Ghana [can] get international weather reports and commodity prices via his mobile phone’ (British Council, 2013, p.10). In the world of technology, English semantics are embedded within computer codes and protocols (Weber, 2011), thus it will likely be English which will underlie the technological advances of the future. However, this is not assured since there are some scholars who believe that Chinese will replace English as the leading language on the internet (Jenkins, 2015, citing Crystal, 2011). As a purely pragmatic strategy for the time being, it makes sense for countries to invest in EFL due to the positive contribution it makes to a nation’s resources because it means that its citizens are competent in a global language which will facilitate their future prosperity.A further positive aspect of EFL is that Western teachers who go overseas to teach students English will often (although certainly not always) have benefited from rigorous teacher training programmes. Graduates training to be teachers in the UK can achieve qualified teacher status through programmes such as the Postgraduate Certificate in Education, which combines placement with academic research. The academic elements of these programmes seek to address those issues which underlie and improve teaching, such as knowledge of pedagogical practice. When teaching students English, it is crucial that teachers understand the different ways in which learners can develop language skills, and a student-centred approach to learning is favoured within initial teacher training programmes in the UK. The benefits of having a highly trained workforce in teaching leads to the recommendation by the British Council (2013) that the UK uses its strengths in English teaching to enable low and middle-income countries to improve their own systems of education. Although it is possible to teach English as a foreign language without such qualifications, prosperous countries such as Kuwait will typically demand a certain level of education from their potential EFL teachers.

References:

• AlHarbi, Mohammed S. 2018. Exploring English language teaching approaches in Saudi Higher Education in the West Province. Dissertation for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, University of Glasgow, Scotland. Available at: https://theses.gla.ac.uk/9014/ (Accessed 05 July 2019).
• Al-Rubaie, R. 2010. Future teachers, future perspective – The story of English in Kuwait. Dissertation for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, University of Exeter, Exeter, UK. Available at: https://ore.exeter.ac.uk/repository/bitstream/handle/10036/119730/Al-RubaieR.pdf?sequence=1 (Accessed 05 July 2019).
• British Council. 2013. The English Effect: The impact of English, what it’s worth to the UK and why it matters to the world. London: British Council.
• Chao, T. 2011. ‘The hidden curriculum of cultural content in internationally published ELT textbooks: A closer look at New American Inside Out’, The Journal of Asia TEFL, 8(2), pp.189-210.
• Elyas, T. and Grigri, W.H. 2014. ‘Obstacles to teaching English in Saudi Arabia Public schools: Teachers’ and supervisors’ perceptions’, International Journal of English Language Teaching, 2(3), pp.74-89.
• Gil, J. 2016. English Language Education Policies in the People’s Republic of China. In R. Kirkpatrick (ed.) English Language Education Policy in Asia. Cham: Springer, pp.49-90.
• Habeeb, K. 2013. Teachers’ perceptions towards implementing English as foreign language at kindergarten: What can we learn from the case of Kuwaiti Kindergarten teachers? Dissertation for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Kuwait University, Kuwait City, Kuwait, and the University of Arkansas, Faytteville, Arkansas. Available at: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/6006/cbf6e6a829a4b8f0e176d5af150f1155520c.pdf (Accessed 04 July 2019).
• Hilmarsson-Dunn, A. 2006. ‘Protectionist language policies in the face of the forces of English. The case of Iceland’, Language Policy, 5(3), pp.295-314.
• Jenkins, J. 2015. Global Englishes: A resource book for students. London: Routledge.
• Kabel, A. 2005. ‘The discourses of appropriation: A response to Karmani (2005)’, Applied Linguistics, 28(1), pp.136-142.
• Karmani, S. 2005. ‘Petro-linguistics: The emerging nexus between oil, English and Islam’, Journal of Language, Identity and Education, 4(2), pp.87-102.
• Karmani, S. 2010. On perceptions of the socialising effect of English-medium education on students at a Gulf Arab University with particular reference to the United Arab Emirates. Dissertation for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, University of Exeter, Exeter, UK. Available at: https://ore.exeter.ac.uk/repository/bitstream/handle/10036/99373/KarmaniS.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y (Accessed 07 July 2019).
• Mahboob, A. and Elyas, T. 2014. ‘English in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’, World Englishes, 33(1), pp.128-142.
• Oxford English Dictionary [online]. 2019. ‘native speaker’. Available at: https://www.lexico.com/en/definition/native_speaker (Accessed 05 July 2019).
• Phillipson, R. and Skutnabb-Kangas, T. 2013. ‘Linguistic imperialism and endangered languages’. In T.K. Bhatia and W.C. Ritchie (eds.) The handbook of bilingualism and multilingualism. Oxford: Blackwell, pp.495-516.
• Weber, A. 2011. Politics of English in the Arabian Gulf, Paper presented at the 1^st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics, May 5-7, 2011, Sarajevo. Available at: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/153446761.pdf (Accessed 09 July 2019).
• Zakharia, Z. 2010. Language-in-education policies in contemporary Lebanon: Youth perspectives. In O. Abi-Mershed (ed.) Trajectories of education in the Arab world: Legacies and challenges. Abingdon: Routledge, pp.157-184.